Thứ Tư, 2 tháng 10, 2013

The philosophy of Arsène Wenger: the total revolution

By Tony Attwood
(You can go back and read the article from the start, by clicking here).
So the revised Wengerian philosophy emerged out of practical considerations.  It had these basic points…
a) The new youth system is working and some of the players coming through (Wilshere is the most obvious but there are many others – just look at this season’s list of fringe players, or come to that the current reserve and loan list) are truly wonderful.
b) These players can be supplemented by young players from elsewhere – players young enough to be a gamble, but not be of too much concern to their home clubs (Ramsey, Theo, Vela, and of course Cesc, with others coming up behind them).  One doesn’t have to get each one right, because the fees will be small and at first the wages modest, but even a 25% success ratio is a vast improvement in money terms when compared with the regular transfer market.    Wenger has also realised the benefit of the loan system (hardly in use at all when he joined the club) with players such as Coquelin given the chance to play for a year to prove they really can step up).
c) The use of the Cups as games that more junior players can play has developed.  At first we were using it for virtually unknown players to play in.  Now the names are becoming familiar, as the system is bedded in.
d) To the notions of fitness and speed should be added intelligence.  Players need more than just an ability to play outside their own country – they need the brains to be able to handle their private lives.  Before footballers were expected to be as thick as the proverbial two short planks.  But no more.   They are selling their skill to the club and as such they need to nurture and refine that skill through looking after themselves, and that message is hard to put across to someone who believes that one is not being a man if one is not out all night.  I recall Wenger saying once that if he ever called Thierry Henry at home at 9.30 in the evening he was always there, preparing for an early night.  That’s how it is done, and that model has filtered through the club.  Of course we still have incidents – Bendtner and Wilshere have both been seen out late – but the move is towards an intelligent use of the body.
The tactical change
But even when this new approach was being implemented two other problems hit Arsenal.   Just as Arsenal’s approach in buying in players had changed as a result of other clubs’ greater awareness of the success Arsenal had in the international transfer market, so the tactics of how to deal with Arsenal’s play changed.   Wenger’s revolution in playing style and players was so overwhelming that it took a number of years before other clubs could even begin to think how to handle it – but they got there in the end.
So we got the notions of rotational fouling, parking the bus, rotational time-wasting, and “Shawcross” tackles came into the game.  Teams played Arsenal looking to put them off their free-flowing stride, and were aided in this by refs who had a very liberal approach to the rules.  If you ever want to see a film of just how relaxed refs can become, take a look at Arsenal winning the league at Manchester United.  It is one of the most shocking examples of unpunished brutality ever seen on a football pitch.
Part of Wenger’s response to this comes from his insistence on using younger players to give him more speed on the pitch, and as a result of this we saw the new problem: the eternal injury crisis.
It has run for the last three years – and there were early signs of it at Highbury when we had the year of the seven left backs.  Whether it is still going this year only time can tell.  I don’t think it was anticipated – and indeed how could it be?  No one has ever experienced anything like it before.
It came because of the belief that Arsenal can be knocked aside literally – a view that has been most overtly propagated by Allerdyce, and amplified by the media where journalists have responded to the issue by glorifying the leg breaking tackle.  “He’s not that kind of a player” has become a phrase used throughout football to excuse Shawcross style approaches.
But it also came about because the new insistence on speed increases the chances of injury, and the ever increasing number of cup games for the club and country games in friendlies and internationals, has put even greater pressure on players.  There is, it seems, a limit beyond which many bodies cannot be taken.
So problem upon problem:
  • Other clubs following Arsenal into the European transfer market
  • Home Office tighten regulations, Uefa stop the Beveren project
  • Chelsea and most recently Man City queer the transfer market
  • Clubs automatically up the price if Arsenal are interested or try to bring in Chelsea or Man City, who may pretend to be interested
  • The youngsters who joined aged 9 and 11 cannot be used until ready
  • The unprescedented injury run
  • The advent of the team bus approach
  • The advent of the Shawcross style of play.
And the solution:
It could have been, sign more and more players, but that was part of the problem – the more Arsenal move in the transfer market the more it puts the price up.  (Of course we are not the only club to have this problem – apart from Man City and Chelsea, Man U also face price inflation.  But the simple fact is that Man U don’t have the money they once had, and Liverpool have now dropped out of the running.  On the other hand Tottenham seem to want to spend money here there and everywhere.   So we can say that maybe four or five clubs have this problem – it is not Arsenal’s alone.  The difference is that Arsenal are the only club financed from their own activities rather than from oil wealth or companies hidden in the Virgin Islands and Bahamas.)
Wenger could have decided to change the approach to speed and youth to cut the injuries – and I think there has been a slight shift in this direction of late (not so much on the speed but more on the seeking to add a few more 27-28 year olds to the squad.  But this has not been done at a way that reduces the effectiveness of play.
We needed to hang on for a few years while the rest of the youth side developed (Lansbury, JET, Coquelin,  and the like), but there was nothing to stop us building up a bigger and bigger youth team – and that has happened.  Craig Eastmond, Chuks Aneke, Benik Afobe are now being added to the more established names while Watt, Sunu, Cruise, Barazite are all coming through to a level where they are approaching the point where they can slip into the “25″ if need be.
So step one was to increase the numbers – not the numbers in the “25″ – clearly impossible – but the number of under 21s who really could move in and play for the first team when needed.
On the pitch no protection could be expected from English referees who had been brought up in the English tradition, so instead we needed to change playing styles.  Not easy, but possible.  Not just one player who could reliably score, with a number 10 behind him, but four players on the pitch together who were goal scorers.  Of course it compromised the defence a bit, but it was a solution.
As time went on it became more of a solution.  How can a rotational fouling side cope with a central half who scores screamers from 25 yards out?  Indeed the move towards scoring from outside the penalty area was itself part of a reaction to rotational fouling.  What does a Shawcross orientated team do when facing a side who kick off with four (yes four) players standing on the half way line, as Arsenal are doing this season.
In fact the speed is now being used in two ways.  First in the traditional Henry way, which Theo can do when not crippled by England, second by the speed of passing, and third by the constant movement up and down the pitch of what might on occasion be called a rotating front six.  (You may have noted that Arshavin is listed by Arsenal as a mid-fielder – that shows you how much movement is going on and how the old positional approach has changed.)
So add that factor together with the expansion of the squad first in the league cup, then the FA cup and later the final group stages of the Champs League and we have an extra training grounds for the youngsters not in the 15 or so who end up on loan.   The players are got ready, and the injuries pour in, so there are more young men ready to stand up and be counted.
And this is the twist: whereas the reputation of Arsenal goes before the club now (as I mentioned before, it is a case of “if Arsenal want him he must be twice as good as I realise – the price is going up”) with youngsters it is the other way around.
Everyone knows that Arsenal look after and nurture their kids.  I think for many of us in England it is hard to appreciate the reputation Arsenal has world-wide for this.   So if three teams are looking at a young lad in the home counties, or five or six are looking at a 16 year old, Arsenal start head and shoulders above the rest.    That doesn’t mean we get everyone we want, but in this regard, the reputation of Arsenal for youth development, built by Wenger and this team, is unsurpassed.
We have one of the biggest youth squads ever assembled by any club in the UK, possibly in Europe, maybe in the world.  56 registered players – an extraordinary achievement.
So Arsenal, under Wenger’s leadership, have changed the model to cope with the changing world, and revolutionised football once again in a whole series of ways.
a) We have five flexible squads (the 25, the cup teams, the loanees, the reserves, the youth team) and below them a whole production line of 9 to 16 year olds playing the Arsenal way.
b) We found players who could score goals all over the pitch as a way of handling the negative tactics developed by Blackburn and Bolton.
c) Young players like Theo, Ramsey, Vela and Cesc are brought in very early on from other clubs.
d) Arsenal moved from fluid 4-4-2 to 4-3-3 and amazingly even 4-2-4 in some games this season.
e) The loan system was expanded and expanded again.  15 loanees at any one time is not unusual in the second half of the season.
e) And then at last, at last, at last, the great youth team started to come through, and this season we see the earliest signs, while knowing that not only will they mature, but also there is another lot coming up behind them.
The whole thing is complex (changes of tactics on the pitch, Chelsea and Man City in the transfer market, clubs putting prices up because it is Arsenal, etc etc etc), and as a result the solutions have been complex.
Is it surprising that such an amazing revolution (following hard on the heels of the first revolution) has taken five years?  Not at all in my mind.  Is it surprising that we have managed to stay in the top four, for a record amount of time in the English top division while all this is going on?  Absolutely – it is an extraordinary achievement.  While every other club has dipped in and out of the top four, we have been there, year after year after year.  I doubt any club will ever achieve this again.
So why do many people not  see Wenger as the great reformer and saviour of Arsenal?
I think to answer this I would like to quote a piece that was posted on this site, in response to the first part of this series.  Here it is in full…
————-
Tony, Its the same old tired spin.
Hes signed a new contract, so hes flame proof. Hes just lost the plot.
He isnt a winner anymore. end of story.
No power players, no goalkeepers, tired old system of playing players out of position and finally seeing Wenger propped up by his past.
——–
I think that shows the point. It has taken me something around 5000 words to explain how I think the Wenger revolution has worked and what he has been doing all this time.  That reply, which I believe is symbolic of many who are against Wenger is written in under 50 words.
My argument is not that just because I can make an argument long it must be good.  Rather that if you believe that the debate about Wenger can be conducted in 50 words, then the chances are you will be against him, because that is the only argument that can be built in 50 words.  “It’s obvious we need a new goalkeeper – Wenger can’t see it – so he’s lost it and must go.”
For a century football in the UK was simple.   Tactical changes were virtually non-existent.  Everyone played 2-3-5 until Chapman, and then everyone played 3-2-2-3 (although the programmes always drew the squad as 2-3-5).  That was it – one tactical change in almost 100 years.  A simple game played in the mud.  England managers chose big centre forwards because foreign goal keepers are dodgy.
With such football you can write about a manager in 50 words.  It wasn’t Wenger alone who made football infinitely more complex, but he has been one of the men who has changed the game, and quite probably he has had more influence than anyone else.
And best of all, he has built up a heritage that others can follow.
I mentioned before that the Chapman revolution lasted for 20 years and two subsequent managers before the club finally slipped back.  I would like to see this revolution last for 40 after Wenger goes.  I won’t be there to see it all, but it just gives me a nice feeling to think it is possible.
Wenger has delivered, I believe, a total revolution that is already moving out of Arsenal and into other footballing arenas.  I am sad that my father, who watched the Chapman revolution in the 1930s, has not been here to see it, but I am so thankful that I have had the chance to watch the greatest period in Arsenal’s history.

Wenger’s theory and practice of football – part 2

By Tony Attwood
I pointed out in part 1 of this article that Wenger brought to Arsenal a new approach to football, not just in the style of playing, but also in the style of coaching, of economics, and of running the club.
However the world changes, and football was not blind to what Wenger had done to Arsenal.  When he had joined us, the club had been in a poor way.  Bergkamp was putting in performances far below his magnificent best, Wright was playing out on the wing and wanting a transfer, and we had a manager who thought that the way to manage was to be a traditional hard man.  Only the Graham back five were still in place, and that was all that saved us.
We qualified for the Uefa cup on the last day of the Rioch season and celebrated as if we had just won the treble.
Then, after Wenger joined, in just a couple of years the club had become utterly different, successful, bubbling with a new style of football, and amazingly buying in a young Frenchman for £250,000 and selling him for £25m just a few years later.  Arsenal had set a new level, and everyone got ready to catch up.
The catch up came very quickly.   As Wenger said in one interview, when he arrived in England he could send a scout to a second division game in France and the scout would be the only scout there.  Now, he said, you have to fight for a seat.
So part one of the changes meant it was necessary to search further afield for talent, or study players in much more detail and find someone who had been overlooked.  This was not a total revolution, since Wenger had been looking as far afield as South America from the start, and there is a story that when Steve Rowley met Arsène Wenger for the first time, Wenger asked him to go to northern Brazil to watch a player, and Rowley was shocked – he normally tended to go no further than Luton.
But soon there were 12 Arsenal scouts in the UK, and the club introduced what has become known as world-wide scouting with individual scouts covering north America, Mexico, three in South America, one in each of Scandinavia, Iberia, France/Switzerland, Germany and central Europe, Italy, Slovenia and Croatia, and one for the Netherlands/Belgium.
Arsène Wenger had worked from the position that all players who hold EU passports or are entitled through through a parent or grandparent, are eligible to play in the Premier League.
But not only did the EPL catch up with this notion, two other changes happened.   First Chelsea showed a new way of financing a club, and everyone knew that there was a world beyond England.  By 2010 over 260 foreign players were playing in the EPL (compared with 11 named in the starting line ups of the first Premier League weekend in 1992-3.)
Out of this development three more changes occurred.  First it became wholly obvious that  Chelsea could buy anyone they wanted and had no need of a youth policy.  Second the Home Office were doing their bit to make life more difficult, tightening the rules on bringing in players from outside the EU.  And third, as we have noticed, everyone was scouring France looking for the talent that previously Wenger was alone in watching.
Wenger needed a way around this and he looked at countries in the EU where players can get EU nationality with greater ease (in the UK it takes five years and a citizenship test).  Belgium, Spain and Portugal all fitted the bill, and experiments were undertaken.  One of  the most radical was the Beveren Experiment where the entire club was taken over and used as a developing ground for players from the Ivory Coast.   Uefa eventually passed a rule saying that this could not continue.
This was however not enough.  Several elements of the old theory (food, speed, lifestyle) were still in place, but we needed more.  Unfortunately the players from the opening of the new academy were still not ready for the transition – not because of any failure of policy, but because they were simply not old enough yet, and worse Arsenal’s reputation had now started to work against them.
Very early on Arsenal became known in France as a French club that happened to play in the EPL.  As such a lot of French players wanted to play for Arsenal, and as Wenger’s reputation grew, so that desire to work with him intensified.  That was in our favour.
But while almost every player under the sun wanted to work for Wenger, and would willingly go to Arsenal, as soon as anyone got a sniff that Arsenal wanted a player the value went up.  To be fair the same happened with Chelsea, but there it was for a different reason, and the consequences were quite different.
If Chelsea wanted a player the price could go up because Chelsea could afford it – and quite often they paid.  If Arsenal wanted a player (the selling club argued to itself) it was because the player was far better than the club had ever realised, and so the player was clearly worth a lot more.  Quite literally managers would think, “Goodness, that guy must be better than I thought – in which case I am not letting him go for a miserable £5m”.
It is often argued that within such a scenario there is no harm in paying the inflated price asked for just to get the player.  But the argument within Arsenal is, I believe, that once a club of the high international profile of Arsenal is seen to pay over the odds for a player then you not only pay more than you should on that occasion, you will pay an even more inflated price next time.  A selling club sells a £5m player for £8m to Arsenal.  Everyone notices, and the next £5m player Arsenal wants is put up to £10m and so on.  Price inflation.  Ask Chelsea and Man City – they know all about it.
In short the argument will be, the club will want more because Arsenal are asking, and since Arsenal did indeed pay way over the odds for X last year, it is worth holding out until the last minute because they will be the ones to blink first.
Worse, it became clear that Chelsea wittingly and unwittingly were changing all the rules of transfers.   Wittingly because they would on occasion appear to move for a player that they did not want, just to make life difficult for Arsenal to sign that player.   Arsenal scouts are seen watching X, so Chelsea come in with an enquiry.  Chelsea can always pay more than Arsenal, so the club hold out for the Chelsea figure, whether the offer is real or no.
And unwittingly through the action of agents, and their allies in the popular press and in the blogs, who endlessly talk up possible transfers of players.   The agents tips off the journalist that his player is talking to a big club, and the club that has the player under contract immediately inflates the price.
Money was available for the players, but not an infinite amount so it became a balancing act – continuing keeping the club at the top, while finding ever more obscure players to join the team without having to pay insane prices, and waiting for the first bunch of talented youngsters to come through.
In other words the key elements of the Wengerian philosophy remained true, but key elements, were under attack on all fronts.  Players were much harder to find because everyone was now scouring Europe, the Home Office was making it harder to bring in players, Uefa closed down the Beveren experiment, Chelsea could afford everyone and drove prices up, while every club that heard Arsenal were interested increased the value of the player on the grounds that he was “better than I realised”.
Indeed there are even stories (although of course they might just be stories) that suggest that every time an Arsenal scout is seen at a ground, the club immediately phones Chelsea and Man City and asks if they want to buy.
Of course Wenger had never seen the transfer as the solution to all his problems, but this assault from all sides was probably greater than Wenger imagined might happen.  Although very early transfers such as Ljunberg and Kanu had been successes, there were always transfers that didn’t work out (Pennant, Wreh…)  For every Henry, Lauren, Wiltord, Vieira, there were players who had problems of one sort or another (Edu with his passport, and then a family that could not settle, Jeffers…).   Compared with other managers Wenger was a wonderful manipulator of the market, but even he couldn’t always get it right.  Reyes and Van Persie both joined us at the same time, remember.
I believe that Wenger has always known how blunt an instrument the transfer window is, and with the extra competition for overseas players, and the intensified scrutiny that all his moves come under it became impossible to find too many great gems.
So from here Wenger introduced a whole series of reforms which modified his philosophy and the whole outlook of the club.  It was in fact probably the biggest reform ever in the history of any first division club.
I’ll describe it in the final part of this account of the philosophy of Wenger.

It is not Wenger, it is the Wengerian philosophy that matters

By Tony Attwood
The issue has been raised a number of times: this blog has gone totally over the top in praising Arsène Wenger, instead of recognising his faults.
Maybe there’s something in that, and if so, it is entirely my fault.  So I thought I would go back, look at Wenger, and all he has done, and try to put forward a better analysis of the view that I have of our manager.
In what follows I call him a practical philosopher, and it is a term that one can argue with – but it is where I inevitably find myself starting when I consider Wenger and his impact on football.
Arsène Wenger has never set himself up as a philosopher, but I see him as one because he has a vision of what football could be like; a vision based on a theory and experimented with in practical form on a daily basis.
At once this suggests that “philosopher” is too narrow a term for Wenger has gone much further than philosophers from Plato to Marx, as he has built a practical example of his philosophy of football in action.   For that I admire him, more than I have admired anyone else in 50 plus years of watching football.  To me he has gone far beyond the one previous philosopher we have had in the club: Herbert Chapman.  Wenger is not just the most successful manager we have ever had – he is much more than that.
In fact I would argue that because of the rapidly changing nature of professional football in Europe he has not only evolved a complete theory of how a football club should be run, but he has done this not once but twice – changing the practical application of his philosophy as the world of football changed.
In this article, I am going to deal with part one of his work at Arsenal – the initial philosophy.  In my next article I deal with how Wenger adjusted his views following changes in the footballing environment in which he works.
So, my argument is that it is the philosophy of Wenger which is of vital importance.    If the club gets it right, when Wenger goes they will bring in a new manager who will continue to implement and experiment with the Wengerian philosophy, just as George Allison and Tom Whittaker did from the early 1930s to the mid 1950s taking the Chapman philosophy forward for some twenty years after the great man died in office.
And in summary, that’s my point.  Wenger like Chapman had a philosophy which he laid down and then implemented, and then left for others to develop further.  It is the only way that great reformers work, and Wenger is the greatest of all the reformers.
The initial theory
Wenger, upon arrival to the club considered a series of reforms that not only would benefit the club in theory, but would also be rapidly achievable in practice.   His view in summary seems to me, from the outside, to be…
1.  That players could be fitter and extend their useful playing careers if they changed their diet, their drinking, and to some degree their lifestyle.
2.  That the traditional notion that foreign players could not bring huge benefits to English clubs was fundamentally mistaken.  This old view was based on a completely false idea that there was a peculiarly English way of playing the game and that somehow foreigners were unsuited to it either because they didn’t have experience of playing the game that way, or because they simply couldn’t play the game the English way.   English football remains different from much of European football – that is so – but there is no reason why it cannot be played by Europeans.
3.  Because English clubs did not go after foreign players they often overlooked great talent overseas.  What’s more, because English clubs searched the British leagues for players, the cost of those players was artificially inflated because there were many managers after them in the closed market of Britain.  Foreign players of great talent were available at much lower cost however, if only one knew where to look.
4.  While there was a benefit of bringing in established players, if one worked with younger players they would be brought up in the Wengerian way of thinking, and so would be better.   This policy depended on being able to spot not just talent now, but talent in the future, and build it.
This policy thus led to the setting up of a new approach to youth football, in which a team would be recruited at around the age of 9 or 11 and melded into a team that would play the same way as the first team, and would eventually contribute significant numbers of players to the first team.  (This might sound obvious, but it was not so in the 20th century, when the tendency was to bring in the best players you could find and work with them.  This approach was much more clinical – involving a search for young lads already showing signs of playing the Arsenal way).
Then, as the group got to 16 years old (when players from other parts of the EU could be introduced) they would be brought into the mix if there was seen to be a shortfall in that area.   Thus we would end up not with an exclusively English team but (because of the restrictions on bringing in schoolboy players from outside the local area) a mostly English team.
Further, once the process was started, it would run continuously.  Of course one could not expect each year to be a spectacular year, but once the first bunch had begun to mature, then each year new players would come through.
Since raising a player at the club is far cheaper than buying him in, (and also more reliable since one can see how he develops according to the club’s methods, and can mould the player into the club’s ethos) this would ultimately make the club much more profitable than other clubs who were dependent in buying in players from lesser clubs.
5.  The overall effect of this approach would be to win trophies and to get the club into the elite group of Europe among the clubs who qualified for the final stages of the competition year after year (where Arsenal had never been) and keep the club there through taking these points and playing a positive attack orientated style of football.
And it has worked, giving the club its most successful period in football in its 124 year history – keeping it in the top four of English clubs since 1998 – a record far in excess of anything achieved in the 1930s.  Indeed I have not checked every detail but I think that in terms of appearing consistently in the top four, Arsenal is now the most successful club of all time in England.  (If not, then we are one year away from that record).
This then was the basic philosophy. However as time progressed the world of football changed, most notably with the advent of a new phase with the Chelsea approach to the benefactor model of football finance – an approach which had such an impact that ultimately it led to the financial reforms that became introduced by UEFA in 2010.
In my second piece on the Wenger philosophy and approach to football I shall deal with Wenger’s response to the changes in football which arose as clubs became more aware of what he was doing, and came up with their own methods of handling Arsenal, and in some ways, trying to make money on the back of Arsenal’s approach.

Johnson: When is a rule not a rule?

A FRIEND of Johnson’s recently posted on Facebook a January 2011 article by Farhad Manjoo on Slate that began 
Can I let you in on a secret? Typing two spaces after a period is totally, completely, utterly, and inarguably wrong.
That the article is still being passed around, and has been shared on Facebook over 165,000 times, reveals a surprising passion on this issue. But the comments on my friend’s Facebook posting also reveal a slightly depressing willingness of people to be cowed by anyone who stands on an internet soapbox and declares inarguable rules. “Now you’ve set me straight,” one commenter wrote. Another was surprised at not having heard about the new rule earlier; her mother was, after all, “a grammarian at heart” and had taught her to be on the lookout for such things.
Well, Johnson has a secret, too: pronouncing a diktat like “never use two spaces after a full stop” is not totally, completely, utterly and inarguably wrong—but it is mostly wrong.
Many people have the idea that absolutely everything to do with language is governed by strict rules. A corollary is that these rules must only leave one option. If once space is correct, then two spaces must be totally, completely, utterly and inarguably wrong.
The history of the dispute is simple enough: typesetters have been using one space after a full stop for most of a century. But people who learned to type on mechanical typewriters with monospaced fonts were taught to use two spaces, because monospaced fonts (in which all letters have the same width) leave white space on either side of skinny letters like iand l. So two spaces at the end of sentences was meant to convey meaningful (rather than meaningless) space on the page. Johnson learned to touch-type around 1990, when word processors had nearly completed their replacement of typewriters. But the teacher had learned to type well before that, leaving your columnist with a two-space habit that persists to this day.
But can the vast number of professional writers and editors who learned the two-space habit be “inarguably wrong”? Is this really bad grammar? No, and no. Grammar has nothing to do with aesthetic issues like one space or two. Grammar has to do with how words hang together to make meaningful sentences accepted as correct by native speakers.  Grammar has inarguable rules (the past tense of “I am” is “I was”). But it also has disputed ones. Some people think that “which” can be used interchangeably to open “restrictive” relative clauses, like “The rules which I learned in school are inviolable.” Others disagree.
But we are not remotely near the territory of grammar when we talk about the two-space rule. We’re barely in the territory of rules at all. The relevant concept here is not grammar but style. The Economist, as it happens, follows the prevailing practice and puts only one space after full stops. An automatic macro will, for example, strip out the second space after a full stop for any text entered into our online content-management system (ie, the one we use for blogs and online columns like this one). If you do see any double-spaces after a full stop, this is probably the result of text being pasted from Microsoft Word, and the oversight of an editor.
But the one-space “rule” is not the kind of thing that separates good writers from bad ones. It is rather for simple aesthetic consistency. In this, it belongs in a category of style choices atThe Economist that includes hyphenating e-mail, stripping Yahoo and Yum Brands of the exclamation points they would have us use in their names and leaving internet lower-case. Some of our rules are mainstream (e-mail is more common than email). Some are unusual (we do not capitalise cold war or second world war). But nobody could sensibly insist we were “wrong” on these. Style choices, by definition, cannot be wrong.
Some people seem to think love for language means memorising the longest possible list of grammar rules and style shibboleths. This is too often coupled with smug self-congratulation. But a real understanding of language acknowledges which rules are truly ironclad, which ones are in dispute and which ones are mere style choices. 
There is one double-space after a full stop in this column. For fun, see how long it takes you to find it. If you noticed it already, and it distracted you from the rest of the piece, Johnson humbly suggests you might be focusing a little too much on the wrong things.
Do you have a question or a column idea for Johnson?  Write to johnson@economist.com

Thứ Tư, 11 tháng 9, 2013

A Plea for Caution From Russia

MOSCOW — RECENT events surrounding Syria have prompted me to speak directly to the American people and their political leaders. It is important to do so at a time of insufficient communication between our societies.
Relations between us have passed through different stages. We stood against each other during the cold war. But we were also allies once, and defeated the Nazis together. The universal international organization — the United Nations — was then established to prevent such devastation from ever happening again.
The United Nations’ founders understood that decisions affecting war and peace should happen only by consensus, and with America’s consent the veto by Security Council permanent members was enshrined in the United Nations Charter. The profound wisdom of this has underpinned the stability of international relations for decades.
No one wants the United Nations to suffer the fate of the League of Nations, which collapsed because it lacked real leverage. This is possible if influential countries bypass the United Nations and take military action without Security Council authorization.
The potential strike by the United States against Syria, despite strong opposition from many countries and major political and religious leaders, including the pope, will result in more innocent victims and escalation, potentially spreading the conflict far beyond Syria’s borders. A strike would increase violence and unleash a new wave of terrorism. It could undermine multilateral efforts to resolve the Iranian nuclear problem and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and further destabilize the Middle East and North Africa. It could throw the entire system of international law and order out of balance.
Syria is not witnessing a battle for democracy, but an armed conflict between government and opposition in a multireligious country. There are few champions of democracy inSyria. But there are more than enough Qaeda fighters and extremists of all stripes battling the government. The United States State Department has designated Al Nusra Front and the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, fighting with the opposition, as terrorist organizations. This internal conflict, fueled by foreign weapons supplied to the opposition, is one of the bloodiest in the world.
Mercenaries from Arab countries fighting there, and hundreds of militants from Western countries and even Russia, are an issue of our deep concern. Might they not return to our countries with experience acquired in Syria? After all, after fighting in Libya, extremists moved on to Mali. This threatens us all.
From the outset, Russia has advocated peaceful dialogue enabling Syrians to develop a compromise plan for their own future. We are not protecting the Syrian government, but international law. We need to use the United Nations Security Council and believe that preserving law and order in today’s complex and turbulent world is one of the few ways to keep international relations from sliding into chaos. The law is still the law, and we must follow it whether we like it or not. Under current international law, force is permitted only in self-defense or by the decision of the Security Council. Anything else is unacceptable under the United Nations Charter and would constitute an act of aggression.
No one doubts that poison gas was used in Syria. But there is every reason to believe it was used not by the Syrian Army, but by opposition forces, to provoke intervention by their powerful foreign patrons, who would be siding with the fundamentalists. Reports that militants are preparing another attack — this time against Israel — cannot be ignored.
It is alarming that military intervention in internal conflicts in foreign countries has become commonplace for the United States. Is it in America’s long-term interest? I doubt it. Millions around the world increasingly see America not as a model of democracy but as relying solely on brute force, cobbling coalitions together under the slogan “you’re either with us or against us.”
But force has proved ineffective and pointless. Afghanistan is reeling, and no one can say what will happen after international forces withdraw. Libya is divided into tribes and clans. In Iraq the civil war continues, with dozens killed each day. In the United States, many draw an analogy between Iraq and Syria, and ask why their government would want to repeat recent mistakes.
No matter how targeted the strikes or how sophisticated the weapons, civilian casualties are inevitable, including the elderly and children, whom the strikes are meant to protect.
The world reacts by asking: if you cannot count on international law, then you must find other ways to ensure your security. Thus a growing number of countries seek to acquire weapons of mass destruction. This is logical: if you have the bomb, no one will touch you. We are left with talk of the need to strengthen nonproliferation, when in reality this is being eroded.
We must stop using the language of force and return to the path of civilized diplomatic and political settlement.
A new opportunity to avoid military action has emerged in the past few days. The United States, Russia and all members of the international community must take advantage of the Syrian government’s willingness to place its chemical arsenal under international control for subsequent destruction. Judging by the statements of President Obama, the United States sees this as an alternative to military action.
I welcome the president’s interest in continuing the dialogue with Russia on Syria. We must work together to keep this hope alive, as we agreed to at the Group of 8 meeting in Lough Erne in Northern Ireland in June, and steer the discussion back toward negotiations.
If we can avoid force against Syria, this will improve the atmosphere in international affairs and strengthen mutual trust. It will be our shared success and open the door to cooperation on other critical issues.
My working and personal relationship with President Obama is marked by growing trust. I appreciate this. I carefully studied his address to the nation on Tuesday. And I would rather disagree with a case he made on American exceptionalism, stating that the United States’ policy is “what makes America different. It’s what makes us exceptional.” It is extremely dangerous to encourage people to see themselves as exceptional, whatever the motivation. There are big countries and small countries, rich and poor, those with long democratic traditions and those still finding their way to democracy. Their policies differ, too. We are all different, but when we ask for the Lord’s blessings, we must not forget that God created us equal.

Vladimir V. Putin is the president of Russia.

Germany's Energy Poverty: How Electricity Became a Luxury Good

Germany's agressive and reckless expansion of wind and solar power has come with a hefty pricetag for consumers, and the costs often fall disproportionately on the poor. Government advisors are calling for a completely new start.


If you want to do something big, you have to start small. That's something German Environment Minister Peter Altmaier knows all too well. The politician, a member of the center-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU), has put together a manual of practical tips on how everyone can make small, everyday contributions to the shift away from nuclear power and toward green energy. The so-called Energiewende, or energy revolution, is Chancellor Angela Merkel's project of the century.
ANZEIGE
"Join in and start today," Altmaier writes in the introduction. He then turns to such everyday activities as baking and cooking. "Avoid preheating and utilize residual heat," Altmaier advises. TV viewers can also save a lot of electricity, albeit at the expense of picture quality. "For instance, you can reduce brightness and contrast," his booklet suggests.
Altmaier and others are on a mission to help people save money on their electricity bills, because they're about to receive some bad news. The government predicts that the renewable energy surcharge added to every consumer's electricity bill will increase from 5.3 cents today to between 6.2 and 6.5 cents per kilowatt hour -- a 20-percent price hike.
German consumers already pay the highest electricity prices in Europe. But because the government is failing to get the costs of its new energypolicy under control, rising prices are already on the horizon. Electricity is becoming a luxury good in Germany, and one of the country's most important future-oriented projects is acutely at risk.
After the Fukushima nuclear accident in Japan two and a half years ago, Merkel quickly decided to begin phasing out nuclear power and lead the country into the age of wind and solar. But now many Germans are realizing the coalition government of Merkel's CDU and the pro-business Free Democrats (FDP) is unable to cope with this shift. Of course, this doesn't mean that the public has any more confidence in a potential alliance of the center-left Social Democrats (SPD) and the Greens. The political world is wedged between the green-energy lobby, masquerading as saviors of the world, and the established electric utilities, with their dire warnings of chaotic supply problems and job losses.
Even well-informed citizens can no longer keep track of all the additional costs being imposed on them. According to government sources, the surcharge to finance the power grids will increase by 0.2 to 0.4 cents per kilowatt hour next year. On top of that, consumers pay a host of taxes, surcharges and fees that would make any consumer's head spin.
Former Environment Minister Jürgen Tritten of the Green Party once claimed that switching Germany to renewable energy wasn't going to cost citizens more than one scoop of ice cream. Today his successor Altmaier admits consumers are paying enough to "eat everything on the ice cream menu."
Paying Big for Nothing
For society as a whole, the costs have reached levels comparable only to the euro-zone bailouts. This year, German consumers will be forced to pay €20 billion ($26 billion) for electricity from solar, wind and biogas plants -- electricity with a market price of just over €3 billion. Even the figure of €20 billion is disputable if you include all the unintended costs and collateral damage associated with the project. Solar panels and wind turbines at times generate huge amounts of electricity, and sometimes none at all. Depending on the weather and the time of day, the country can face absurd states of energy surplus or deficit.
If there is too much power coming from the grid, wind turbines have to be shut down. Nevertheless, consumers are still paying for the "phantom electricity" the turbines are theoretically generating. Occasionally, Germany has to pay fees to dump already subsidized green energy, creating what experts refer to as "negative electricity prices."
On the other hand, when the wind suddenly stops blowing, and in particular during the cold season, supply becomes scarce. That's when heavy oil and coal power plants have to be fired up to close the gap, which is why Germany's energy producers in 2012 actually released more climate-damaging carbon dioxide into the atmosphere than in 2011.
If there is still an electricity shortfall, energy-hungry plants like the ArcelorMittal steel mill in Hamburg are sometimes asked to shut down production to protect the grid. Of course, ordinary electricity customers are then expected to pay for the compensation these businesses are entitled to for lost profits.
The government has high hopes for the expansion of offshore wind farms. But the construction sites are in a state of chaos: Wind turbines off the North Sea island of Borkum are currently rotating without being connected to the grid. The connection cable will probably not be finished until next year. In the meantime, the turbines are being run with diesel fuel to prevent them from rusting.
In the current election campaign, the parties are blaming each other for the disaster. Meanwhile, the federal government would prefer to avoid discussing its energy policies entirely. "It exposes us to criticism," says a government spokesman. "There are undeniably major problems," admits a cabinet member.
But this week, the issue is forcing its way onto the agenda. On Thursday, a government-sanctioned commission plans to submit a special report called "Competition in Times of the Energy Transition." The report is sharply critical, arguing that Germany's current system actually rewards the most inefficient plants, doesn't contribute to protecting the climate, jeopardizes the energy supply and puts the poor at a disadvantage.
The experts propose changing the system to resemble a model long successful in Sweden. If implemented, it would eliminate the more than 4,000 different subsidies currently in place. Instead of bureaucrats setting green energy prices, they would be allowed to develop indepedently on a separate market. The report's authors believe the Swedish model would lead to faster and cheaper implementation of renewable energy, and that the system would also become what it is not today: socially just.
Trouble Paying the Bills
When Stefan Becker of the Berlin office of the Catholic charity Caritas makes a house call, he likes to bring along a few energy-saving bulbs. Many residents still use old light bulbs, which consume a lot of electricity but are cheaper than newer bulbs. "People here have to decide between spending money on an expensive energy-saving bulb or a hot meal," says Becker. In other words, saving energy is well and good -- but only if people can afford it.
A family Becker recently visited is a case in point. They live in a dark, ground-floor apartment in Berlin's Neukölln neighborhood. On a sunny summer day, the two children inside had to keep the lights on -- which drives up the electricity bill, even if the family is using energy-saving bulbs.
Becker wants to prevent his clients from having their electricity shut off for not paying their bill. After sending out a few warning notices, the power company typically sends someone to the apartment to shut off the power -- leaving the customers with no functioning refrigerator, stove or bathroom fan. Unless they happen to have a camping stove, they can't even boil water for a cup of tea. It's like living in the Stone Age.
Once the power has been shut off, it's difficult to have it switched on again. Customers have to negotiate a payment plan, and are also charged a reconnection fee of up to €100. "When people get their late payment notices in the spring, our phones start ringing," says Becker.
In the near future, an average three-person household will spend about €90 a month for electricity. That's about twice as much as in 2000.

Two-thirds of the price increase is due to new government fees, surcharges and taxes. But despite those price hikes, government pensions and social welfare payments have not been adjusted. As a result, every new fee becomes a threat to low-income consumers.

Part 2: The Regressive Energy Tax

Consumer advocates and aid organizations say the breaking point has already been reached. Today, more than 300,000 households a year are seeing their power shut off because of unpaid bills. Caritas and other charity groups call it "energy poverty."
Lawmakers, on the other hand, have largely ignored the phenomenon. In the concluding legislative period, the government and opposition argued passionately over a €5 increase in payments to the long-term unemployed. But no one paid much attention to the fact that those welfare recipients would subsequently see the extra €5 wiped out by higher electricity bills.
It is only gradually becoming apparent how the renewable energy subsidies redistribute money from the poor to the more affluent, like when someone living in small rental apartment subsidizes a homeowner's roof-mounted solar panels through his electricity bill. The SPD, which sees itself as the party of the working class, long ignored this regressive aspect of the system. The Greens, the party of higher earners, continue to do so.
Germany's renewable energy policy is particularly unfair with respect to the economy. About 2,300 businesses have managed to largely exempt themselves from the green energy surcharge by claiming, often with little justification, that they face tough international competition. Companies with less lobbying power, however, are required to pay the surcharge.
In this respect, at least, all of Germany's political parties are pushing for change. They want to close loopholes and more widely distribute the costs of clean energy subsidies. But even this improvement would translate into a relatively minor financial benefit to citizens. According to the SPD plan, an average household would see only about 70 cents a month in savings -- slightly less than under the plan Environment Minister Altmaier proposed a few months ago.
In the end, what actually drives up costs would remain unaffected: the haphazard expansion of wind and solar energy.
The Offshore Trap
Far out in the North Sea, about 70 kilometers (43 miles) from the island of Norderney, there is a large, bright yellow steel box. It's as wide as the Brandenburg Gate and taller than the Federal Chancellery building. It's essentially a giant electrical socket, which collects the electricity from the nearby offshore wind farms and transmits it to the mainland via a thick cable. The system, along with the cable, cost grid operator Tennet about €1 billion and is designed to last 20 years, although there is no data to show that this will actually be the case.
According to an official at Tennet, the company has no experience with such systems. It knows only one thing: There are always obstacles in the way.
In the case of Germany's offshore projects, those obstacles currently include weather and porpoises. In heavy seas, work on the wind farm is suspended. The same applies when porpoises and their young are spotted, because of the potential damage to their sensitive hearing by construction noise. As a result, there are still many spots where metal stumps protrude from the water instead of wind turbines.
Still, the government is pressing ahead with wind expansion, and the plans are breathtaking. By 2020, offshore wind turbines are expected to generate up to 10 gigawatts of electricity, theoretically as much as eight nuclear power plants. To attract investors, the government has created the best possible subsidy conditions, so that operators will be paid 19 cents per kilowatt-hour of offshore electricity, or about 50 percent more than from land-based wind farms. The government has also assumed the liability risk for the wind farm operators. If anything goes wrong, taxpayers will bear the cost.
Hidden Costs
As fascinating as the plan is for engineers, economically it's a potential disaster. Experts believe that because of the more challenging conditions, the power offshore wind turbines generate will be consistently two to three times as expensive as on land. Although the wind blows more consistently at sea, this comes far from offsetting the higher costs.
The less visible costs are also high. There is little demand for electricity in the thinly populated coastal region. New high-voltage power lines will be needed to transport the energy to industrial centers in western and southern Germany. The government already estimates the costs of expanding the grid at €20 billion, which doesn't include the additional ocean cables for offshore wind power.
If the government sticks to its plans, the price of electricity will literally explode in the coming years. According to a current study for the federal government, electricity will cost up to 40 cents a kilowatt-hour by 2020, a 40-percent increase over today's prices.
Worse yet, it remains completely unclear whether the offshore facilities are even needed. The Federal Environment Agency believes it's enough to install modern turbines in the best terrestrial wind sites. It would also be cheaper.
But even if that were the case, the environment minister still believes consumers can expect to see rising prices. Experts say the miniscule impact wind energy has had on current prices is due to an uncooperative Mother Nature: 2013 has been an unusually windless year so far.
The Storage Conundrum
The Cossebaude reservoir is Dresden's largest and most popular open-air pool. On summer days, up to 8,000 sunbathers lounge on its sandy beach or cool off in the 10,000-square-meter (2.5-acre) lake.
Cossebaude is also part of the enormous Niederwartha pumped storage hydroelectric plant. At night or on weekends, when there is plenty of available power, lake water is pumped electrically through big pipes into a second reservoir 140 meters above the main reservoir. At noon, when electricity is scarce, the water is released from the higher-elevation reservoir, spinning giant turbines as it descends. The system generates electricity when the cost is high and consumes it when the cost is low. Plant operator Vattenfall makes its profit on the difference. When the plant was connected to the grid in November 1929, it was considered the technology of the future.
Now the power plant, along with the recreational lake attached to it, could soon be gone. The company plans to shut down the energy storage facility within the next two years. This is bad news for Dresden's swimmers, but it's especially detrimental to Germany's energy transition, which depends on backup power plants like the Niederwartha facility.
When the sun isn't shining and the wind isn't blowing, gas-fired power plants and pumped storage stations are supposed to fill the gap. A key formula behind the Energiewende is that the more green energy is produced, the more reserves are needed to avert bottlenecks.
This is true in theory, but not in practice. On the contrary, an ironic result of the green energy expansion is that many of the reliable pumped storage stations could be forced out of the market. There are roughly 20 of these power plants in Germany, with Vattenfall being the most important operator. The plants were very profitable for utilities for decades, but now the business has become highly unreliable. Dresden is a case in point.
When it's sunny and people are most likely to head to the lake, solar power is abundant and electricity prices drop. This means the pumped storage station earns less money, so the power plant is shut off. In 2009, for example, the turbines in Niederwartha were in operation for 2,784 hours. Last year, Vattenfall ran the facility for only 277 hours. "Price peaks that last only a few hours aren't enough to utilize the plant to full capacity," says Gunnar Groebler, head of Vattenfall's German hydro division.
No Incentives for Storage
Not surprisingly, the company invests very little in its pumped storage plants today. In Niederwartha, the buildings are filled with the musty smell of earlier floods, the paint is peeling from the walls and the reservoir leaks.
It would cost Vattenfall €150 million to modernize the plant. But company executives are hesitant, fearing they won't recoup that money with future profits. Vattenfall has also hit the brakes elsewhere, like in Hamburg suburb of Geesthacht. Plans to increase the capacity of the existing reservoir there have been put on hold. Instead, the plant is used only as a backup.
Meanwhile, competitors RWE and EnBW have also shelved plans to build a large pumped storage power station in the southern Black Forest. Trianel, an association of about 100 municipal utilities, withdrew from a similar project at Rursee Lake in the western Eifel Mountains in late June.
All this gives credence to the claim that Germany's energy reform is its own worst enemy. Despite the erratic expansion of wind and solar projects, the backup power capacity those projects require is lacking. One study found that Germany's expansion of renewable energy will require additional storage capacity for 20 to 30 billion kilowatt-hours by 2050. So far the storage capacity has grown by little more than 70 million kilowatt-hours. And hardly anyone is interested in maintaining the existing storage facilities.
At least that isn't the case in Dresden, where a grassroots movement is working to keep the old pumped storage facility open -- partly because of the popular swimming lake.

Part 3: Incentives for Pollution

More and more wind turbines are turning in Germany, and solar panels are basking in the sun, yet the amount of pollutants and greenhouse gases emitted by smokestacks increased last year. This dramatic turn of events is especially evident in small town of Grosskotzenburg, just east of Frankfurt.
Germany's largest energy provider, Düsseldorf-based E.on AG, has been operating a large coal-fired power plant in Grosskotzenburg for many years. The oldest of the five units at the Staudinger plant was built in 1965 and operates at a ridiculous 32-percent efficiency level. Even at E.on, the Staudinger plant is now seen as "completely unacceptable, both economically and environmentally."
State-of-the-art gas-fired power plants, like the one in the Bavarian town of Irsching, operate at almost double the efficiency levels of coal plants, or about 60 percent. They are also more flexible and emit far less carbon dioxide. This may explain why E.on officials were not particularly upset when the operating license for the oldest of Staudinger's five units expired on Jan. 1 of this year.
"To be on the safe side, we informed the relevant authorities several times that we are shutting down the unit," says E.on CEO Johannes Teyssen. When regulators did not object, the company began in May to dismantle key components of the power plant and transfer employees to other sites. E.on had planned to complete the work by the end of the year and remove what was left of the ancient plant.
But the situation suddenly changed on June 30, when E.on received a letter from the grid operator associated with the plant, Tennet, and the regulatory agency. The unit, the letter read, was needed to maintain grid stability, and E.on was to reestablish the coal plant's operational readiness without delay.
This is one of the most curious developments in the story of German energy reform. The country's most heavily polluting plants are now also its most profitable: old and irrelevant brown coal power stations. Many of the plants are now running at full capacity.
This leaves a dirty stain on Germany's environmental statistics. While the amount of electricity from renewable energy rose by 10.2 percent in 2012, the first year of the new energy policy, the amount of electricity generated in hard coal and brown coal plants also increased by 5 percent each. As a result, German CO2 emissions actually increased by 2 percent in 2012. Environment Minister Altmaier was clearly upset, saying: "This development cannot become a tendency."
But experts expect Altmaier will be humiliated once again at the end of the year, if he's still in office. A study released last week by the Federal Network Agency shows that energy generated with brown coal will remain virtually stabile, at 148 terawatt-hours, until 2022. It reached the depressing conclusion that brown coal's competitive position will be "hardly diminished by an increasing share of renewable energy in the mix."
Beyond Sweden
Sometimes the best ideas are borne of necessity. At least that's how Gustav Ebenå sees it when he looks back on the turn of the millennium, when Sweden entered the age of green energy. His country was suffering from the effects of a painful economic crisis at the time. "One thing was clear," the expert with Sweden's energy agency recalls. "Renewable forms of energy had to be developed as cost-effectively as possible."
Sweden developed a system based on government-mandated quotas for green energy and a market for certificates. "In a sense, our model at the time was the opposite of the German subsidy scheme," says Ebenå, who lived in Germany for many years and is well informed about Germany's energy reforms.
The Swedish model has prevailed among the competing concepts. Under the model, a kilowatt-hour of clean power costs only 10 percent more than conventional electricity. "This means that our consumers pay only a fraction of what Germans are spending to enter the renewable energy era," Ebenå says.
Still, Sweden is moving forward briskly with its expansion of green energy. The country already derives about 45 percent of its electricity from hydroelectric power plants. As a result of the subsidy system, biomass and wind turbines have contributed about 10 percent to the energy mix in recent years. Norway implemented the Swedish system last year. But can the model be applied to Germany?
The members of the commission appointed by the German government believe it can, and are due to submit a detailed plan to Economy Minister Philipp Rösler on Thursday. The plan was developed by economist Justus Haucap and legal expert Jürgen Kühling, and is supported by the economic think tank RWI and the German Academy of Science and Engineering (Acatech).
The experts propose that the government impose a green energy quota on energy providers, and gradually increase this quota in accordance with their targets for renewable energy production. The cutoff date would be Jan. 1, 2015. In the ensuing 12 months, 27.5 percent of electricity would have to come from renewable energy, followed by 29 percent in 2016 and, finally, 35 percent in 2020.
But it would be left up to the individual energy companies and municipal utilities to choose their respective sources of clean energy. The commission believes energy providers should decide how to spend their money on wind, solar or biomass. The municipal utilities would seek the lowest possible price for their clean electricity. This would encourage competition between offshore and terrestrial wind power, as well as between solar and biomass, and prices would fall, benefiting customers.
Keeping the System Honest
In Sweden, the system ensures that the electric utilities' investments automatically flow into the technology they see as the most cost-effective. This doesn't always have to be the cheapest technology at a given time. But like any normal company, the Swedish utilities have an interest in maximizing their return on investment. This is different in Germany, where the most inefficient technology at a given time is the most heavily subsidized, based on the bizarre logic that it has to be brought into the market over a particularly lengthy period of time.
To prevent energy providers from cheating the quota model, Sweden requires them to submit a certain number of green energy certificates. Each certificate represents one megawatt-hour of clean electricity. Those that cannot prove they have met their quotas are slapped with a hefty fine.
The rest is left up to supply and demand, based on the usual rules of the market economy. When the amount of green energy being generated is low, there are fewer certificates on the market and their price increases. This, in turn, gives investors an incentive to build additional wind turbines or solar arrays. They can also invest their money in storage systems, which make energy production more efficient. Or they can invest in technologies that play no role in Germany today but are being studied elsewhere in the world.
For Swedish Energy Minister Anna-Karin Hatt, the greatest benefit of the quota model is that it contains few bureaucratic restrictions. The government defines the objective, but not the method. In contrast to the German system, the government is not forced to constantly adjust subsidy rates for wind, solar and biomass. "As a result, the energy market doesn't depend on new political decisions every year," says Hatt. "Investors in renewable energy greatly value this predictability."
In heavily forested Sweden, energy providers initially focused on biomass in the form of wood and paper industry waste. They used this material to fuel conventional power plants, which generate electricity and supply long-distance heating to households. But this potential is now largely exhausted, which is why the industry has shifted to building or modernizing wind farms -- mostly those on land, says Ebenå, "because offshore turbines are still very costly."
Election Liabilities Silence Debate
In Germany, a quota model would also likely lead to more wind turbines being built on land. The government's expansion targets for offshore wind power would no longer be feasible -- and with good reason. Due to the challenging environment, the technology is prone to failure, and the cost of construction far away from the coast is very high. To make matters worse, the electricity also has to be transported hundreds of kilometers across the country.
It is clear that the next German government will have to plan a shift in energy policy. But the price of electricity is a toxic issue in the campaign, given the bad prognoses and broken promises. In a government statement in June 2011, Chancellor Merkel had promised to keep prices stable. "The renewable energy surcharge should not exceed current levels," Merkel said in the Bundestag. Economy Minister Rösler claimed there might even be room for energy tax cuts. When prices increased, Rösler and then Environment Minister Norbert Röttgen shifted blame instead of coming up with a solution.
None of the parties has a coherent concept of how to approach the problem after the parliamentary election on Sept. 22. The few current proposals are disturbingly simplistic. Altmaier and the CDU are considering paying for next year's green energy subsidies with borrowed funds, so as to delay the next electricity price increase by a few months.
Gerda Hasselfeldt, a member of the CDU's Bavarian sister party, the Christian Social Union (CSU), favors saddling the next generation with at least some of the costs. Under her proposal, the government-owned KfW development bank would assume some of the costs of solar panels and wind turbines. The amount could then be repaid over the course of the next 40 years.
The proposals being floated by the SPD, the Greens and the FDP amount to reducing the electricity tax or the value-added tax. But that wouldn't solve the structural problems, which would require the sort of radical reform the government commission. The problem is that the next government would have to be willing to tangle with the electricity industry's powerful interest groups.
Until the issue comes up in the next legislative period, Environment Minister Altmaier prefers to send consumers on their way with some money-saving tips: "When I cook, I try to keep the lid on the pot."
BY FRANK DOHMEN, MICHAEL FRÖHLINGSDORF, ALEXANDER NEUBACHER, TOBIAS SCHULZE AND GERALD TRAUFETTER